In our efforts to understand how it is for Australian families in the 1990s an important element is missing. The impact that transience has on family life and on individuals in families receives little attention from researchers yet may be considerable and long lasting. Extensive literature searches reveal little published data on the health and social needs of transient groups in general and of families in particular. As a result such families remain unaccounted for in health statistics or research data. It is important to identify gaps in our knowledge in order to shape policy and to plan effective action.

Australians are a mobile/transient population. Our internal migration rate between states is around 400,000 per year. (ABS 1996) We move interstate, from rural to urban areas and back again, from cold climates to warmer ones. We move our residences from large to small or small to large depending on a number of demographic factors,( age, employment, family type, education), availability of accommodation (either rental or owned )and a whole range other contributing social factors. Some of us move yet have no identifiable home , joining the growing numbers of homeless people in our society.

There are obvious challenges in collection of data. This can be due to a number of factors. Firstly, transient people can be difficult to identify. Apps (1993:3) comments, ‘(they )do not belong to an easily identifiable group such as ‘people with non English speaking backgrounds’, ‘sole parents’ or ‘people with disabilities’. In fact they can be subsets of these groups and many more beside. They can belong to any socio-economic or ethnic group and any age cohort and live in all parts of Australia. Mobile people are often employed but they can also be itinerant workers, unemployed or retired’.

The second challenge is that researchers and service providers have difficulty in accessing transient groups. Ongoing interaction ,feedback and follow up is problematic. Innovative approaches need to be developed in consultation with the client/consumer in order to do this effectively. It must be remembered too that many people move simply because they do not want to be found.

The third challenge in collecting data is that transience as a descriptor has acknowledged negative connotations. This may affect the way researchers approach the subject and may limit development of understanding of the effects of a more transient lifestyle.

A recent national study was carried out in 1997-98 by the Family Action Centre at the University of Newcastle to determine strategies to improve the access of transient groups in rural Australia to health and allied services. Health and allied service workers and consumers took part in focus groups and a national forum where they talked about their own experiences, and those of their clients and their own families. The discussion was enriched by the very fact that many of the service providers were transient themselves.

It was clear from this study that to-day , people with mobile lifestyles who had partners and or/children , moved with their families. This contrasts with historical patterns during depression years when men and women would leave their families for long periods of time while they sought work.

It was also clear that there are particular problems for families who move regularly throughout rural and remote Australia. . Provision of accessible, appropriate and effective education, social and health services to transient groups in rural /remote Australia has long been a major organisational and financial challenge. It is obvious that policies and service models used to respond to the needs of established populations are unable to take into account the needs of those with a more transient lifestyle. For transient families meeting these needs can become a complex undertaking, testing the strength of family, social and community relationships

This paper will discuss the process used by project participants in the 1997-8 study to critically review and come to a shared understanding of the term transience. This re-defining was necessary as there is a real need to address the acknowledged negative connotations of transience as a descriptor and to understand the impact that this has on shaping the way research, service delivery , policy and administrative decisions are made. Understanding the nature of transience assists in our understanding of the impact that this has on families.

The findings of the Family Action Centre from its 12 year ongoing study with caravan park families will be discussed in brief. The transient lifestyle of many of these families has shaped the way programs have been developed and models of working tested and revised. These are also applicable to communities outside of caravan parks.

The Family Action Centre at the University of Newcastle has been an innovator in generating data about transient groups, in particular families with children whose home is a caravan park. In order to address the need for current data in this field, the Family Action Centre co-ordinated a national research consortium to develop research initiatives in the areas of health issues for transient groups in rural and remote areas. The Consortium recognised that many groups living in and moving between rural communities are disadvantaged in respect of provision of services and infrastructure, ability to access what services are available and living conditions often detrimental to their well being.

A grant was obtained through the RHSET (Rural Health Support Education and Training) Grants program of the Commonwealth Department of Health and Family Services to hold

a national Think Tank for rural health and allied service providers, consumer groups, peak organisations policy makers and educators. This forum was held at the University of Newcastle in February 1998,and was co-ordinated by the Family Action Centre.

Field based focus groups in five states/territory (NSW, NT,WA,SA,Qld) were used as a tool to harness expertise and effective ways of working with transient groups in rural /remote areas, come to an understanding of the meaning of transience in this context and generate information collaboratively for enhancing training, education and support of rural health workers. In this rural context many of the health and allied workers were as mobile as the clients they served and had a real understanding of the effect of this lifestyle on themselves as workers and on their own families.

What do we understand by the terms transient/mobile ?

Residential mobility is a term used to describe movement of people. Bell (1992:1) classed movements within a local community as ‘residential mobility,’ and described movements over longer distances as internal migration. Apps E (3:1993) distinguishes residential mobility as the overall descriptor with local and more distant moves distinguished in the following ways: Local mobility describes moves within a district for example when young adults leave home for a variety of sharing arrangements, when new households are formed or when rental leases expire Internal migration implies a more considered permanent change in line with decisions to relocate to a more distant place. As with local mobility , internal migrations may also result initially in a number of changes of address at the new location.

These definitions were limited to a description of the type of movement. Delegates at the National Think Tank on health issues for transient groups held in Newcastle in 1998 developed the following definition of transient people in rural/remote Australia which describes the reality for people.

"Transient people outside Australian cities are those who move in and out of localities as a temporary or permanent aspect of their lifestyle and who experience a range of challenges in relation to this relocation and whose social interactions are shaped by their transience, resulting in the re-negotiation of formal and informal networks." (Eddy:1998:6)

Historically the concept of transience/mobility has had negative connotations- linked with gipsies and itinerant workers. Implied in this term is instability, lack of interest in or commitment to the local community and marginalisation in personal and practical resources.

In an innovative project carried out by the Northern Districts Public Health Unit in 1995-6, providing a sexually transmitted diseases (STD) awareness and prevention program targeting itinerant workers and Aboriginal people in rural NSW, a participant commented:

"Generally local community drug use increases in summer and never fully goes down to previous levels. Some itinerants would be responsible for importing anti social practices to rural kids." (Taylor,1996:30)

In order to develop an understanding of transience in context of rural /remote Australia it is important to avoid the development of what can easily become a deficit model of understanding transience. Transient people are not necessarily vulnerable, disadvantaged and unable to maintain good health or access health and social services. Nor do they necessarily impact in a negative manner on the local community. At the same time it is important to acknowledge that among transient groups there are many potential consumers of health services who do not consume voluntarily, who are for a variety of reasons extremely difficult to reach by rural and allied health service providers and who are particularly disadvantaged and vulnerable.

Process of critical review and developing a shared understanding of the term transience

Participants began this task in the focus groups by a collaborative development of a framework for organising an understanding of transience in the context of rural and remote areas. This framework included:

• the type of activities that define transience in terms of people’s lived experience,
• group types and patterns of movement,
• social relations/ connectedness with structural and personal r characteristics that make people less vulnerable and disadvantaged in their access to health and allied services.

Participants identified a number of common activities that define transient groups in terms of their lived experience.. People moved for a variety of reasons::

Some groups have a regular and visible pattern of movement while others are more sporadic.

Examples of regular movement included Aboriginal people moving from place to place on traditional or family business, it was rare to find Aboriginal persons travelling on their own, as most would be with family or friends. Other examples include older people from Southern states moving to Queensland for the winter months; agricultural workers following the picking seasons; shearers; circus people, agricultural show and field day people; retirees travelling around Australia; and defence force personnel and their families. Health, community service and government department workers, bank officials, teachers and pastors move in and out of rural areas on a regular basis due to career moves, reduction in government spending and personal reasons. These groups are often the most obvious transients in rural/remote areas.

Mining and construction workers and their families move regularly, depending on the type of work and duration of projects. It is possible to anticipate their arrival in an area, but not as easy to know where they go after the job is finished.

Another identified group is people who move from capital cities to the country in search of cheap accommodation; however, they then return to the cities due to lack of services, employment opportunities and, in particular for ethnic groups, because of the social and cultural isolation. Families move to an area near a gaol to be near a family member, and others move because they are on community service order placements.

Other groups are more sporadic in their movements and their whereabouts are therefore harder to predict. Either because of their recreational pursuits, (tourist, back-packers, visiting families); employment, (seeking employment, entertainers, prostitutes); or personal needs, (women escaping domestic violence, people with mental health problems, young mothers with young children, homeless youth and older people, displaced people from Aboriginal communities, boat people coming from Asia, people from New Guinea arriving in Queensland in small tin boats, and people seeking the "geographic cure" for problems such as drugs, alcohol and gambling).

Given the wide variety of transient groups moving in and out of rural areas in Australia, it was important to identify characteristics either personal or structural that made people less vulnerable and disadvantaged in their access to community life and to various health and allied services.

1. Access to appropriate housing. Given this, people may settle down in one area, but often the only available accommodation is in caravan parks or "down by the river"
2. Good social/family support services. Lack of this support is evidenced by increases in the levels of domestic violence and mental health problems. Longer term residents may be unwilling to lose more friends as people move on and this can lead to not making the effort to reach out to others. "How long will you be here?" is a common question in more isolated areas.. Married men who cannot have their families with them on site are forced to house them in substandard accommodation often caravan parks.
3. Access to sufficient income to meet needs — it was noted that poverty is strongly related to ill health, education levels, life/coping skills and ability to develop networks and access information.
4. Access to reliable transport either public or private. Mothers whose partners are working and need to use the only family car become very isolated in rural areas where there is no public transport.
5. Access to telephones. In many rural areas mobile phones do not work and public phones are out of order.
6. Easy access to appropriate health services.
7. For health workers, good professional supports and peer contacts.

1. Having an element of choice in the decision to move. However, it was noted that while some have a great deal of control over their decisions, for others the choice is extremely limited and forced upon the individual — eg, women fleeing domestic violence or families through economic necessity having to continually move in search of work.
2. Possessing the ability to negotiate a way in a new community, access the services, make friends and become accepted. For example, women who have moved several times and understand the need for supportive structures ensure that they create these wherever they are located. Important elements here include literacy and language skills (speaking English).
3. A measure of control over one’s life — eg, having the right documents: driver’s licence, health care cards and the ability to access information.
4. Ability to manage finances. Rural living exacts a cost for families whether employed or not employed. The costs of renting appropriate housing, transport, education, getting access to services are higher for families. For those living below the poverty line, managing finances is an impossible task.
5. Having youth and health.

Development of the above framework has helped enrich our understanding of the impact of transience on families. Social relations and ability for social connectedness are key areas here. Families move for many reasons and have varying patterns of movement, but unless they are able to maximise the opportunities available or to create their own, the experience can be negative Children in particular who have not had secure housing or ongoing education find it difficult to develop social skills and the impact of transience on families can have an effect long after they stop moving.

Support and improved access to information and services are vital to assist these families .

Delegates at the Think Tank acknowledged the real difficulties in servicing established communities in rural areas , let alone more transient groups` given lack of funding and lack of support for rural health workers .At the same time they were able to identify a number of examples of best practice which involved creativity, lateral thinking and crossing of defined agency boundaries to meet health and social needs of transient groups.

An example of best practice. Working with caravan park families

One documented action research project involving transient families is the Caravan Project (Hunter) an initiative of the Family Action Centre at the University of Newcastle. As the result of a 12 year longitudinal study, commencing in 1986 and on going in 1998 at regional and national level, a number of innovative programs have been developed. The transient nature of the lifestyle of many of these families has shaped the way these programs have been developed and models of working debated and revised

For families living in caravan parks support and access to information are two significant needs. The majority of families who move, remove themselves from any support network they have developed. The Caravan Project (Hunter) of the Family Action Centre has recognised that the effects of a transient lifestyle can be evident many years after they have stopped moving. Families who fail to develop a support network, manifest their isolation and fail to access community services (Geggie 1993:1)

A major part of the work of the Caravan Project has been to assist the crossing of defined agency boundaries in order to deliver services to these families and to assist the process of inclusion. Many agencies leave caravan park communities out of their policies and practices.

Since 1986 families living in caravan parks have been counted in the Australian Population and Housing Census and valuable demographic information is available.

Information gained at project level and supported by the 1991 and 1996 Australian Census of Population and Housing shows that families living in caravan parks tend to be poorer, have lower educational qualifications and are less likely to be employed than other families in the total population. (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1994) This is of particular concern as

there is a growing body of evidence supporting a strong link between adversity and health. Measures of low socio-economic status are strong predictors of morbidity in Australia (Broadhead,P (1985 :9(2) 87-98). The 1993 National Health Strategy report provided evidence that poverty or low socio-economic status is correlated with worse health status. (National Health Strategy,1992) Jolly (1990) reviewed Australian and overseas research to show that lower socio-economic children were more prone to experience health risk factors than their higher status peers.

Because certain caravan park families are generally more transient than other families in the general population ,the social impact of transience is greater resulting in social isolation and social disconnectedness. This is of particular concern with respect to community services..

Preventative health care such as regular health check ups, immunisation, dental and medical care is often not available to these families. Children cannot attend pre-school as there are waiting lists and few parks have early childhood development programs. Sayer (1998;: 48) states that the greatest dilemma regarding the experience of caravan park children is the evidence of those who do not enrol The children in this category are , for the most part, those whose families stay in a park for a couple of months. This category truly comprises the lost ones. Reasons for non enrolment as they are spoken or observed include: expenses for uniforms and books, being on the run from family and law, suspicion of school authorities and their questions, pressure for families to stay unattached to communities and mobile for work opportunities, ignorance about value of education..

Transient children suffer greatly if their home environment is not supportive of education. Children from low socio-economic backgrounds suffer the most. Intelligent children whose parents are motivated and have self esteem and the skills to access community services and support networks can benefit from a transient lifestyle. This lifestyle can act as an academic catalyst which motivates their desire to succeed. (Geggie 1993:1)

It is important to note here, that not all residents in caravan park or manufactured home villages live a transient lifestyle. Many residents particularly older people, make a lifestyle choice to move to parks and villages as their last housing move. Some families live for a considerable period of time in their van or unit. However the majority of more disadvantaged families live in parks for a short period The housing is sub standard, they share amenities and management practices on poorer parks can be dictatorial thus reinforcing social isolation. They may wait for more suitable housing through public housing or private rental or use the park as crisis housing, as an alternative to homelessness. For some it is impossible to get into rental accommodation with no references and no bond money. In the experience of the Caravan Project (Hunter) families may move from one park to another or from rented house to caravan. Once they have moved on from the park they are hard to trace to provide follow up services.

Where to from here?

A key recommendation at the national Think Tank was that further research be undertaken to address gaps in knowledge about transient groups in rural/remote Australia., in a way that allows response from consumers and other stakeholders.. (Eddy, 1998:6) The Family Action Centre has led the way in its work with caravan park families.

It is a great opportunity at this conference to build on the outcomes of this national project . I invite you as delegates with an interest in family research to contribute your knowledge and expertise to the development of research questions regarding the impact of transience on families.

There are so many questions to be answered: For example:

What effect does family transience have on children’s educational achievement and social integration?

As potential consumers of health and allied services, do transient families have a say in service development?

How can difficulties in data collection be overcome?

What methodological tools need to be developed to work with and understand how it is for families in these conditions?

How can questions re impact of transience be included in other research activities with families?

An increased understanding of the effects of transience on families will impact on he way research, service delivery , policy and administrative decisions are shaped and on going social justice issues of access and equity addressed.

REFERENCES

Australian Bureau of Statistics 1994, Australian Social Trends, Canberra

Apps, E 1993 Residential Mobility among clients of the Department of Health , Housing and Community Services Policy Analysis Branch Background Paper.

Bell, Martin 1992 Internal Migration in Australia 1981-1986 Bureau of Immigration Research

Broadhead, P (1985) Social Status and Morbidity in Australia. Community health Studies,

Eddy,G (ed) 1998 National Think Tank Report- Strategies to improve access and continuity of health care for transient groups in rural/remote Australia

Geggie, J 1993 Effects of Mobility on Family Lifestyle, Paper presented at the 4^th Australian Family Research Conference 1993

Jolly, D (1990) The Impact of Adversity on Child Health —Poverty and Disadvantage. Melbourne College of Paediatrics

National Health Strategy (1992) Enough to make you sick. How Income and Environment Affect Health. Research Paper No.1. Melbourne.

Sayer, M Rogan, B Whitaker, A (1998) Non-enrolment, Truancy and School Attendance and Related Social Factors for Children lining in Caravan Parks. ONSITE Caravan Park Communities-Building Commitment. Volume 1 Key Policy Issues Brisbane City Council Qld.

Taylor, S 1996 Chippers and Pickers Survey Report. Northern Rivers Public Health Unit, Tamworth NSW