Introduction
There is low utilisation of mainstream health and social services by people of Chinese background in Australia. This is accompanied by a paucity of literature identifying key issues relevant to working with people from different Chinese backgrounds. The more recently arrived migrants and minority groups appear to be significantly disadvantaged by a lack of knowledge and understanding of their cultural backgrounds by workers in mainstream services and the general community (CCSS 1996, p.3; Mak and Chan 1995, p.95; Chew Kee Kin 1985, p.50; Hearst 1981, p.60; Cox, 1975).
In response to this problem a study was designed to develop a framework that would provide a means of collecting and disseminating detailed information on different Chinese communities to researchers, educators, practitioners and policy makers in the health and welfare sector and of interest to the community in general. Countries included in the study are; Cambodia, mainland China, Hong Kong and Malaysia.
The paper is divided into four parts. Firstly is an overview of the Chinese community of Australia. This is followed by a description of the study method. Thirdly the study findings are presented. Finally is a discussion of the study findings and consideration is given to issues arising for culturally sensitive practice.
Who Are the Chinese of Australia?
Chinese people have migrated to Australia from various parts of Asia predominantly from Malaysia in the 1970’s, Vietnam, Cambodia and Taiwan in the 1980’s and Hong Kong and China from the mid 1980’s to 1993 (Mak and Chan 1995 p.70).
The majority of Chinese immigrants to Australia are from Malaysia, China and Vietnam. Other countries of significant Chinese migration to Australia include: Singapore, Cambodia, Indonesia, East Timor, Papua New Guinea, Taiwan, Laos and Thailand and Hong Kong. Smaller numbers of Chinese immigrants are
from Fiji, The Philippines, New Zealand, Britain, Burma, Christmas Island, Mauritius, South Africa, India and Japan. As well as these immigrant groups are the Australian born Chinese and those of mixed race.
Recent studies have found that, in general, despite the diversity in country of origin and socio-economic status Chinese immigrant families in Australia retain something of their original cultural beliefs (Mak and Chan 1995, p.94; Kimba Fung-Yee Chu 1990, p.6).
Method
This study was conducted by Li Qun Wu and Margaret Yung, two Social work students from LaTrobe University in Melbourne in late 1997. The study was exploratory and was aimed at developing some understanding of the experiences of Chinese migrants to Australia by interviewing Chinese people of different backgrounds so as to compare and contrast their experiences in Australia and the influence of Chinese culture in their daily lives. The sample was chosen according to figures released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics on arrival and change of status for the five year period from August 1991 to August 1996.
The areas listed for highest population density were then matched with the 1996 Victorian Multicultural Resources Directory so as to identify a major service provider to the relevant Chinese community for that particular area. Services were located in these areas for the Cambodian and Chinese groups with services for the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups located in adjoining municipalities which were ranked as having the second highest population according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics. A request to participate in the study was then extended to managers of all of these services and for them to arrange access to a random sample of ten of their clientele for face to face interviews. An attempt was made to get representation from a cross section of different age groups.
Age and Gender
Three quarters of those interviewed were aged between 26 and 60 years clustering around the 31 to 50 age range. One person from the Cambodian group was 15-20 years of age. The Chinese group had one 21-25 year old, one person aged 61 -70 and one person over 71 years of age.
The Cambodian group consisted of mostly men aged between 31 and 50 years. Two people were aged 26 to 30 years and one was aged between 15 and 20 years. Three of the ten people interviewed were women. The Chinese group ranged in age from 21 to 70 years. Most were aged between 21 and 40 years. There was equal representation of both men and women.
The Hong Kong group were mostly aged between 31 and 50 years with one person aged 26 to 30 and another in the 51 to 60 age group. There was even representation of females and males.
The Malaysian group were aged between 30 and 50 years with six women and four men.
Income, Education and Employment
The most common occupation of the Cambodian and Chinese groups were labourers and factory workers with business the most common occupation of the Hong Kong group and professional for the Malaysian group.
The Cambodian group also included; unemployed, students, home duties and semi-professional. The Chinese group also included; retired, unemployed and a student. The Hong Kong group included semi-professionals, home duties, professional and unemployed. Other categories for the Malaysian group were, semi-professional, home duties, business and factory worker.
Whilst labourers and factory workers were the main occupations for the Cambodian and Chinese groups in Australia none of them were employed in these occupations prior to coming to Australia. The main occupation of the Cambodian group was self employed in business with the Chinese group mostly employed in professional positions including, doctors, lawyers and academics. The main occupations did
not differ significantly for the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups. Business was the main occupation of the Hong Kong group and semi-professionals for the Malaysian group.
In order of priority other occupations in Cambodia were; student and home duties. For the Chinese group they were; semi-professionals and retired. The Hong Kong group also included semi-professional. Other categories of employment for the Malaysian group were; professional, business and student.
The Chinese and Malaysian groups had high representation in terms of professional qualifications compared with the Hong Kong and Cambodian groups who were mostly unqualified. Qualifications held by the Chinese group included Bachelors of; Agriculture, Medicine, Dentistry and Engineering. The majority of these people did not have these qualifications recognised in Australia as was the situation for those from Hong Kong.
A member of the Chinese group commented,
‘Depends on the need of the Australian government. When counting points for immigration, they recognise my qualification. But for finding jobs they don’t recognise it’.
Qualifications held by the Malaysian group were mostly recognised although in some instances they were not. One of these people was qualified and employed as an accountant in Malaysia and was now working as a tool maker.
Only two people, one from each of the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups had undergone bridging studies in Australia in an endeavour to have their qualifications gained overseas recognised. Reasons given by those for not undergoing further training included; need to work to support family, too expensive, poor skills in English and no need due to retirement.
Religious Beliefs
The great majority of the Chinese, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups did not have any stated religious beliefs and were not members of a church or religious organisation. This is in contrast with the Cambodian group who were mostly Buddhist with half of them attending Buddhist Temples.
Number of Years in Australia and Identity
Seven of the Chinese group had lived in Australia for less than five years, compared with four in each of the Cambodian and Hong Kong groups and one in the Malaysian group. Four in the Cambodian group and three in each of the Chinese, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups had lived in Australia for six to nine years. Two from the Cambodian group, three from the Hong Kong group and six from the Malaysian group had lived in Australia for over ten years. Nearly all of the Cambodian and Hong Kong group and over half of the Chinese group were Australian citizens.
Nearly all of the Malaysian group and half of the Hong Kong group had two or more return trips to their country of emigration. The majority of the Cambodian and Chinese groups had not returned back home. Family was the main reason for these trips by all groups with business, recreation and visiting friends also mentioned by the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups.
The majority of the Malaysian group were Permanent Residents. Most of the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups called Australia home. Half of the Cambodians considered Australia to be their home with half still calling Cambodia home. The majority of the Chinese group still called China home.
A Chinese person explained reasons for this, ‘I want to call Australia my home. However there is racism in Australia and this decreases my sense of belonging here’.
Thirteen different nationalities were given by the four groups for how they identified themselves. The majority of the Hong Kong group identified themselves as Australian Chinese. Equal numbers of the Malaysian group identified themselves as Australian Chinese and Australian. The Malaysian group were the only group to have people who simply called themselves Australian. Whilst members of the Cambodian group also identified as Australian Chinese they mostly identified themselves as Cambodian Chinese, Australian Cambodian or Australian Cambodian Chinese. Members of the Chinese group simply called themselves Chinese with a couple of people not identifying themselves as anything.
One of these Chinese people made the following comment
‘I have a complicated feeling and thinking. I am not sure of my identity. I hope I am an Australian but because of racism I don’t have a sense of belonging here. When I am back in China I will say I am Australian Chinese. Here the society seems stable, however it is not stable to accept other groups’.
The other responded, ‘I don’t know’.
Apart from Australian Chinese the Hong Kong group also identified themselves as Hong Kongese and Australian Hong Kongese. As well as Australian and Australian Chinese the Malaysian group also called themselves; Malaysian, Chinese Malaysian and Australian Malaysian.
One of the Malaysian group commented,
‘I am Australian although I am Malaysian. I still think of Malaysia as my home’.
Another said,
‘It’s hard to answer this question. If I’m overseas I would say I’m Australian. If I’m in Australia I would say I’m Chinese’.
Living Arrangements
Whilst all of those in the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups lived in a nuclear family with wife and children only this was the case for only two from the Cambodian and three from the Chinese groups. Seven out of each of the Cambodian and Chinese groups lived with extended family and one from the Cambodian group lived with friends.
Language
Main languages spoken by all groups were Mandarin, Cantonese and English. The Chinese dialect, Teochew was also spoken by the Cambodian, Chinese and Malaysian groups. All of the Cambodian group spoke Khmer with all of the Malaysians speaking English. Other languages spoken by the Cambodian group included Thai and Vietnamese. Other languages spoken by the Malaysian group were the Chinese dialect Hokien, Malay and Indonesian. Members of the Cambodian group spoke an average of four languages per person, three for the Malaysian group and two for the Chinese and Hong Kong groups.
Eight from each of the China and Hong Kong groups and five from the Cambodian group described their English language skills as either ‘fair’ or ‘poor’. All of the Malaysian group considered their communication skills in the English language as either ‘good’ or ‘excellent’.
Situations that caused greatest difficulty for the majority of all groups apart from the Malaysians, who experienced no difficulties, were when communicating with doctors. This was due to special medical terms used by doctors. Other situations of difficulty due to language identified by all these groups were; using public transport, banking, shopping and communicating with children’s schools. For those with very little English communication was difficult at all times. For most of the Malaysians English was their first language.
Whilst the Malaysian group had no need to attend English language classes in Australia the majority of all the other groups had attended classes with all of them finding the classes useful. One person from each of the Cambodian and China groups and two from the Hong Kong group did not attend as they were too busy working with one from the China group still on the waiting list for classes. All of these people who had not attended English classes described their English language skills as ‘fair’ or ‘poor’.
Main Reasons for Emigration and Immigration
Political upheaval and to be reunited with family were the main reasons for emigration for the Cambodian, Chinese and Hong Kong groups. Education was the main reason for the Malaysian group with only one person mentioning family reunion. Business was mentioned by the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups with poverty mentioned by the Cambodian group.
Main reasons for choosing Australia for the Cambodian, Chinese and Hong Kong groups were family reunion. The education, employment opportunities and the lifestyle in Australia was the main reason for the Malaysian group with lifestyle in Australia mentioned by all groups. Employment opportunities were also mentioned by the Cambodian and Hong Kong groups. Those who had migrated to Australia under refugee status from Cambodia, China and Hong Kong had not chosen Australia but rather Australia chose them. Freedom and safety in Australia were important for these groups.
Practice of Chinese Culture in Australia
With the exception of one person from the Cambodian group and two people from the Malaysian group all of those interviewed said that they continued to practice their Chinese culture in Australia and that they felt the continued practice of Chinese culture in Australia was important.
The main features of Chinese culture practised by all groups included; following Chinese festivals, celebrations and entertainment, diet and language.
A Malaysian person commented,
‘I speak Chinese at home, eat Chinese food and celebrate Chinese festivals. Main festivals followed are Chinese New year, Spring festival and mid-Autumn festival, also known as the Mooncake festival. I like to give the red packet, (containing money), to the children’.
Other features of Chinese culture mentioned by all groups were; respect for elders and filial piety. Those who did not believe the continuation of Chinese culture was important in Australia said that it was not so important for the younger generation, particularly those born in Australia.
A Malaysian person commented, ‘It’s hard for the second generation born here. They have the freedom to choose their ways of living, friends and spouses’.
The Cambodian person remarked, ‘We are living in Australia. We should accept and try to learn Australian culture. Australia is not a Chinese country’.
The following of a blend of Australian and Chinese cultural values became apparent with a Chinese person mentioning following western festivals such as Christmas as well as Chinese festivals. This was an interesting comment as none of the Chinese group had identified themselves as Christian. A Cambodian person commented that they did not wear traditional clothes here as it seemed strange.
A Chinese person commented,
‘I keep the valuable things from the past and discard those not applicable to the present’.
A Malaysian person commented,
‘Maintaining Chinese culture in Australia is very important but I still eat fish or chicken and chips, go to the pub and mix with Australian friends’.
Practices undertaken to preserve Chinese culture by all groups included; speaking Chinese at home, mixing socially with other Chinese people, sending their children to Chinese schools and marrying within the Chinese community. Members of all groups accessed Chinese media including; television, videos, magazines and newspapers and music. A Cambodian person collected Chinese stamps.
Health and Social Service Issues
The main health and welfare needs of all groups on arrival in Australia was language, both written and spoken. The second main issue for all groups was financial difficulties and unemployment. Loneliness was an issue for the Chinese, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups. No identification papers was a problem for a Cambodian person who described feelings of helplessness in this situation. Lack of family support was an issue for a Malaysian person. Cultural differences was mentioned by the Cambodian and Malaysian groups. Just under half of the Malaysian group and a couple from each of the Cambodian and Hong Kong groups said they did not have any problems on arrival in Australia.
When commenting on problems experienced in Australia today, apart from one person, the Malaysian group reported no problems. The number in this group had increased slightly for the Cambodian and Hong Kong groups but not the Chinese group.
It is interesting to note that the main problems experienced today by those from Cambodia, China and Hong Kong remain the same as those experienced on arrival in Australia. As already mentioned, main problems for each of these groups were language followed by financial difficulties and unemployment.
A Chinese person commented,
‘I cannot speak English. I am like a blind and deaf person. It is very hard for me to find Chinese friends’.
Education of children was an issue for the Cambodian and Chinese groups. Lack of family support was mentioned as a problem for the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups. The Hong Kong group also mentioned health problems and a lack of social activities as issues facing them today.
The majority of the Cambodian, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups felt that their quality of life had improved since coming to Australia with the majority of the Chinese group feeling their quality of life had deteriorated since coming to Australia.
Changes since coming to Australia were more favourable for the Cambodian, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups than for the Chinese group. These three groups mentioned; improved living standards, more relaxed lifestyle and freedom of individual expression.
A Cambodian person commented,
‘Australia is safe, no wars, more freedom. The government provides support to unemployed people and divorced women with kids’.
A Hong Kong person commented,
‘The house is bigger. I couldn’t have a house with garden in Hong Kong’.
The main changes for the Chinese group were; financial problems, loneliness, language difficulties and intergenerational conflict.
One Chinese person commented,
‘In China I had high status and high pay but now I need to work at sewing to survive. It is quite a hard life’.
Another said,
‘In China my life was sufficient. Here I have nothing to do. Too much spare time’.
And another,
‘I am becoming more thrifty. The children are becoming more rebellious’.
Financial problems was also mentioned by the Cambodian group with intergenerational conflict also mentioned by the Malaysian and Hong Kong groups.
A Hong Kong person said,
‘Children are less obedient to us. They have their own choice’.
The Hong Kong group also mentioned loneliness and boredom.
One person commented,
‘Life in Australia is more stable but it is boring. In Hong Kong there is much more nightlife. I was never lonely and had many friends’.
Social Networks and Activities
The majority of all friends came from the same ethnic group that they were a member of. Only one person, from the Malaysian group said that most friend were Anglo-Australian with two more from the Malaysian group saying that their friends were from a variety of different backgrounds. All of the others were of Chinese or other Asian background. The majority of the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups and half of the Chinese groups had joined Chinese organisations in Australia. None of those interviewed had joined any mainstream clubs or organisations.
Most of the Cambodian and Chinese groups were sometimes lonely with three from the Cambodian group saying they were often lonely. All three had difficulty communicating in the English language and missed family and friends. The majority of the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups were never lonely.
Leisure activities common to all groups were; housework, reading, family, gardening, watching television and movies, shopping and socialising with friends. Members of the Cambodian and Chinese groups also mentioned studying English. One Chinese person enjoyed fishing with a person from Hong Kong enjoying going to the pub, sport and lawn bowls.
Health Practices and Use of Mainstream Health and Social Services
Most of those interviewed were in good health with all members of each group following western medicine. Most of the Cambodian and Chinese groups were seeing Chinese doctors. If their health did not improve they would then seek further assistance either from a western general practitioner or Chinese herbalist. The majority of all groups had sought treatment from western general practitioners. Members of the Cambodian and Chinese groups spoke of communication difficulties in these instances. Strong side effects from the medication was mentioned by a person from the Cambodian group. These communication difficulties were not shared with members of the Malaysian group.
Just over half of the Cambodian group hade received assistance from a social worker with this the case for only one person from each of the Chinese and Malaysian groups. No-one from the Hong Kong group had sought social work assistance. All groups saw the role of social workers as being to help the poor. Members of the Chinese, Hong Kong and Malaysian mentioned working with families. Helping filling out forms and dealing with government departments was mentioned by the Cambodian, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups. The Chinese and Malaysian groups mentioned community work. The Chinese group also mentioned cooking and house cleaning. Half of the Malaysian group said they did not know what social workers did. This was in contrast to all of the Hong Kong group and the great majority of the Cambodian and Chinese groups.
Seeking Help for Major Personal or Family Problems
Respondents were asked to comment on help-seeking behaviours by identifying, in order of priority, who they would seek assistance from. The first place to seek assistance from for the majority of the Cambodian, Chinese and Hong Kong groups was the immediate family. For the Malaysian group immediate family, extended family and friends received equal ranking.
Second preference for the Cambodian, Chinese and Hong Kong groups was extended family. Second choice for the Malaysian group was friends.
Third choice for the Cambodian, Chinese and Hong Kong groups was friends with a Cambodian and a Chinese person mentioning ethno-specific agencies. Third choice for the Malaysian group was general practitioner. Priest was also mentioned as a third choice by the Malaysian, and Cambodian groups.
Racism
The majority of the Cambodian and Malaysian groups had not experienced racism in Australia. The reverse of this was reported by the Chinese and Hong Kong groups. Whilst shopping a Cambodian woman was told not to speak Chinese with her friend. The Chinese and Hong Kong groups described verbal and physical assaults as well as more subtle behaviours. The latter included; rudeness, serving westerners first in shops, blocking the person’s path and staring.
One Chinese person commented,
‘I feel that Australian people look down upon me. I cannot find a job’.
Another said,
‘One time I went to the garden with my grandson.. A teenage Australian boy threw a stone at my grandson. I think it was because of our skin colour’.
Nearly half of the Malaysian group observed that racism was closely linked to attitude and that it happened not only in Australia but all over the world. Apart from the Malaysian group all of the groups felt that racism in Australia had increased since their arrival in Australia. Main reasons given for the increase in racism were Pauline Hanson’s maiden speech in Parliament and subsequent media coverage, the lack of response by the government, the increase in the number of Asians in Australia and economic conditions of high unemployment.
A Cambodian person remarked,
‘Racism in Australia has increased because conflicts between religions and races will never end. It is the government’s responsibility to minimise these conflicts. Unfortunately John Howard has done nothing about it so racism is increasing in Australia’.
A Chinese person commented,
‘Pauline Hanson’s speech has damaged Australia in the eyes of the world’.
Most of the Malaysian group felt that racism in Australia had remained the same with one noting a decrease.
He described his experience,
‘I’m now having more contact with Australian people. We’re becoming more familiar with each other. I do not have any problems. Or perhaps I have seen too much or already got used to it’.
A Chinese person observed,
‘It’s not so bad in Melbourne’.
Future Hopes and Contributions
All groups hoped for improved living standards in Australia with this the highest ranking category for the Cambodian and Chinese groups. This was mostly in relation to gaining employment and securing an education for their children. Most of the hopes for the future were for their children rather than for themselves.
One Chinese person said,
‘I hope my children live in harmony with other Australians. I hope that they will have a bright future’.
Peace and stability was also mentioned by all groups with this the highest ranking category for the Malaysian group. Feeling accepted and belonging was most important for the Hong Kong group as well as being mentioned by the Chinese and Malaysian groups. Good health and access to good health care was mentioned by the Chinese, Hong Kong and Malaysian groups.
A Chinese person commented,
‘My hope is to have a better life, a stable life, good medical treatment. I don’t want any racism or anti-Chinese speech’.
Maintenance of Chinese culture was mentioned by the Malaysian group. The Hong Kong and Malaysian group mentioned making a contribution to Australia.
A Malaysian person simply hoped to;
‘Live and die here’.
Two of the Cambodian group said they did not have any hopes for the future. The great majority of all groups were optimistic that their hopes for the future were achievable in Australia. This was seen as a long term prospect by some with a person from Hong Kong commenting,
‘Yes, but not this generation. Maybe for our third or fourth generation’
Discussion
Employment
Whilst the popular view is that Chinese immigrants from Malaysia and Hong Kong are engaged in professional and business occupations and are financially secure this study has shown that this is not always the case. Those who have immigrated to Australia from mainland China appear to stand out as a group in terms of lack of recognition of overseas qualifications in Australia. This study supports recommendations made from previous research that people need to be given time off work to attend bridging courses the need of a more favourable approach to the recognition of overseas qualifications (Ho and Kee 1988, p.64). This study supports earlier research findings that men and women from South East Asia are over-represented in unskilled employment with higher unemployment rates for the more recent arrivals. Previous studies have found the exception are the Malaysians who migrated to Australia predominantly entered the labour market at a professional and technical level as has been the case with this study. (Castles 1988, p.38; Cox, 1987). In the past unemployment been viewed as a short term problem related to resettlement however recent studies suggest that economic recession and restructuring and lack of proficiency in English can result in ongoing poverty (Fincher, 1998, p.27; HREOC, 1997, p.11). The inconsistencies of government policies in the areas of migration and education and employment were highlighted by the plight of many of the Chinese group whose professional qualifications were recognised for the purpose of migration but were not acceptable for employment on arrival in Australia.
Identity
Issues of identity appeared confused for many of those interviewed with some not knowing how to identify themselves. This was related to sense of belonging and acceptance in Australia which was made difficulty by racist attitudes and practices by a minority of Australians. The popular view of Australia has generally been one of a classless, egalitarian society based on the notion of `mateship' and a `fair go'. However, in reality, social class and racial distinctions were brought to Australia by the first British migrants in 1788. The British supplanted the existing social structure of the Australian Aborigines with colonial institutions based upon the British model. Racist attitudes and practices, based upon biological grounds of racial superiority, were prevalent in colonial society and were enshrined in Australia’s White Australia Policy of 1901 -1973. The result has been that most of Australia's institutions still cater predominantly for an Anglo-Australian orientation, rather than accommodating the variety of influences of other ethnic groups. For the most part the big names in business are predominantly Anglo-Australian, with the political infra-structure dominated by this group. Whilst there is increased recognition of the diverse needs of the Australian community this has not been translated into the development of a range of culturally appropriate services (Minas, 1996, p.86; Castles, 1988, p.37; Ward 1979, p.3). At the same time Australia has recently witnessed a backlash against multiculturalism and the rise of a new ideology of racism in the guise of ‘nationalism’. This expression of nationalism, on the basis of cultural uniqueness of the dominant white Australian population, has superseded the arguments of biological and racial superiority of the past (Jayasuriya, 1997, p.43).
For all groups the hopes for themselves and future generations were to have a sense of being accepted and belonging here in Australia, as well as improved living standards and peace and stability. A number of writers have noted the importance of feelings of belonging to a new country and acceptance for the emotional adjustment of the person. This requires change in both the individuals themselves and within Australian society to continue to adapt to changing needs and circumstances (Castles 1988, p.3; Chiu 1985, p.1; T’ien, 1953). Peter Ward has identified the dilemma faced by migrants to Australia from non-English speaking backgrounds which he refers to as, 'their great actual pain'. This is; to identify yet feel alienated, to belong but at the same time be foreign, and to belong neither to the home from which they migrated nor to Australia as their home (Ward 1979,p.2).
Living Arrangements
The living arrangements of the Hong Kong and Malaysian groups were predominantly with nuclear family. Living with extended family was far more common amongst the Chinese and Cambodian groups. This may be an expression of Chinese culture or it may simply be an economic issues with the setting up of separate households not as affordable for members of these less affluent groups. Whilst it was considered ideal, by Chinese of the last imperial century, for sons to remain within the father's household after marriage and raise their own nuclear families within this household, this was usually achieved only by the rich. A typical household had an average of five people rather than the ideal extended family (Fairbank 1990, p.16).
Language
Difficulty with the English language was an ongoing problem for those from China, Hong Kong and Cambodia but not so for those from Malaysia. Whilst difficult with the English language was the main health and welfare need of all groups with the exception of the Malaysian group, most of those surveyed were fluent in a number of languages. Whilst the majority undertook English classes in Australia for some, basic survival and family responsibilities meant attending classes was not an option for them.
The greatest difficulty cited by was communicating with doctors which tended to result in people seeking out practitioners who could communicate in their own language.
In many instances it may not be possible to find someone with the necessary skills and resources and also expect them to be fluent in Chinese. At the same time it is unreasonable to expect ethno-specific service providers to provide the range of mainstream and specialist services available to the general community. The challenge is for mainstream and specialist services to design and deliver their services in appropriate languages and in culturally sensitive ways. There is a clear indication for additional funding to be allocated to this area. The best starting point in terms of design and delivery of services is to seek assistance and advice from representatives of the Chinese communities themselves.
As well as the need to provide adequate access to English classes, it is important to value the Chinese languages spoken by immigrants to Australia of Chinese background and to recognise the need for increased language study in Australia, reflecting the importance of Chinese language as a national resource, in both domestic and international contexts. Chinese ‘language’ includes over 20 different dialects and languages, yet Modern Standard Chinese is generally accepted as an international language and is an important language of trade for Australia in tha Asia Pacific region. Whilst the dialects and languages vary the one Chinese written language applies to all groups and is a strong uniting force (Smith, 1993,pp1-2). A recent study of the cultural diversity in business was critical of Australian businesses for what they perceived to be missed opportunities for Australian businesses for not using the languages and cultures of their employees to gain a competitive advantage (BIMPR, 1996, p.15).
Refugees
The importance of reasons and circumstances of emigration are particularly significant for those who have migrated under refugee status. This study supports previous recommendations that the issues of refugees need separate consideration to Chinese people who have come to Australia under the regular immigration program ((Tuong Phan, 1996, pp.35-36; Ho and Kee, 1988, p.14). The horrors of the Pol Pot Killing Fields in Cambodia and the experience of the refugee students from mainland China involved in Tiananmen Square Massacre are but two examples of traumatic circumstances of emigration.
Chinese Culture
The ongoing practice of Chinese culture in Australia was generally regarded as important. The main features of Chinese culture practiced by all groups included; language, respect for elders, filial piety, diet and following Chinese festivals and entertainment. The importance of the Chinese language for the continuation of Chinese culture has been noted by the Chinese philosopher, Fung Yu-Lan. She has suggested that it is difficult, if not impossible, to gain a complete understanding and full appreciation of Chinese culture for those who do not read or understand the spoken language (1984,p.14).
The importance of the family and respect for elders was highlighted by all four groups. Intergenerational conflict was an issue when young people adapted to more of a western lifestyle with the older generation more likely to follow traditional practices and beliefs. Other studies have also found that conflict can occur when Chinese adult children in Australia no longer follow the Chinese value of 'filial piety' (Mak and Chan 1995, pp.84-85; Chew Chee Kin 1975, p.48). The importance of the family in Chinese culture is well documented dating back to the earliest records of Chinese civilisation (Fairbank 1988, p.6; 1990, p.15). The order of importance of family relationships within traditional Chinese culture is described below.
Blood relatives are as close as the branches of a tree, yet their relationships can still be differentiated according to importance and priority; parents should be considered before brothers, and brothers should be considered before wives and children (Ebrey 1981, p.165).
Health and Social Service Issues
Apart from the Malaysian group health and social service issues were the same today as on arrival in Australia. These were language, financial difficulties and unemployment. Problem-solving was generally attempted within the immediate family, then extended family followed by friends, ethno-specific workers, priests and doctors. Most of the Cambodian and Chinese groups were seeing Chinese speaking doctors. This study and other studies have found that the health and welfare needs of Chinese immigrants to Australia from Malaysia are similar to those of the Australian community in general (Cox, 1979). The reliance upon western medicine provided by Chinese medical practitioners raises the issues of language, cost and practices. Whilst those interviewed commented on language as a determining factor for choice of doctor, the fact that traditional Chinese health care is not covered by Medicare, the Universal health care system in Australia, may influence the choice of western rather than Traditional Health care , particularly for those who are struggling financially. It also raises the issues of whether or not these Chinese doctors are possibly incorporating both western and Chinese practices. This would be an interesting area for further research. It is a tragedy if traditional practices are being eroded due to issues of affordability.
The majority of the Chinese group reported a deterioration in their quality of life since migrating to Australia whilst the other groups reported improvements. The situation of the Chinese is strongly linked to the lack of recognition of their qualifications and inability to find suitable employment in Australia. This has resulted in not only reduced income and living standards but also a decline in social status. Their goals of migration have clearly not been met.
The great majority of those interviewed in the current study mixed socially with other Chinese people. In his Melbourne study of Malaysians in 1987, David Cox, Professor of Social Work, found that while most reported being reasonably well accepted by non-Asian Australians, they found it difficult to form personal relationships with them and mostly socialized with other Asians. Cultural acceptance was seen as 'superficial tolerance' (Cox 1987, p.32).
Cox concluded: Perhaps it is necessary that Australia come to really feel part of Asia, and for Australian ties with other Asian countries to be varied and meaningful, if Asian residents in Australia are to feel at home (Cox 1987, p.33).
Loneliness was an issue for the majority of the Cambodian and Chinese groups. This appeared to be connected with low rates of participation in paid employment and difficulty communicating in the English language. Most of the leisure activities reported by all groups were of a passive nature centred around the family.
Conclusion
This exploratory study has highlighted the diversity both within and between four Chinese communities of Melbourne. The main occupations recorded for each group were professional for the Malaysian group, business for the Hong Kong group and labourers and factory workers for the Chinese and Cambodian groups. The Chinese group had the greatest discrepancy in terms of employment. Main occupations in China were predominantly professional with employment in Australia being mostly in unskilled positions. Rather than improvements in their quality of life the situation for many of these people in Australia has been one of hardship and disappointment. The lack of recognition of overseas qualifications and access to affordable bridging programs has been a main contributing factor to this situation.
Circumstances of migration were important with the situation of refugees requiring special consideration.
The majority of the Cambodian and Hong Kong groups and nearly half of the Chinese groups had taken out Australian citizenship. Whilst the majority of the Malaysian group had Permanent Resident status most of this group called Australia home. Issues of identity appeared to be strongly associated to a sense of belonging with racist attitudes and behaviours by a minority, making some people feel unwelcome and not at home in Australia.
Difficulties communicating in the English language were reported by all groups, with the exception of the Malaysian group. Communicating with doctors was the situation of greatest difficulty resulting in people seeking out medical practitioners who could communicate in the English language.
The continued practice of Chinese culture in Australia was generally regarded as important by all groups with differences noted across the generations. The main features of Chinese culture practised by all groups included; following Chinese festivals, celebrations and entertainment, diet, language, respect for elders and filial piety.
The future hopes of the majority of each group were optimistic with long terms plans for their children and future generations in Australia.
References
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