- Home |
- About Us |
- Contact Us |
- Site Map |
Telstra Foundation Research Report
Volume 2, 2005
Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2005.
ISSN 1832-1364.
Download the complete report in PDF (3.4MB) or in sections as noted below.
To read PDF files you will need an Acrobat Reader which is free from the Adobe Systems Web site at
www.adobe.com/products/acrobat/readstep2.html.
In 2004, the Telstra Foundation published the inaugural volume of the Early Learnings Research Report, which was prepared by the Australian Institute of Family Studies. It was the principal outcome of an evaluation of projects that were supporting children and families, or addressing early childhood literacy. This time, the evaluation is focused on Early Learnings from Indigenous Community Development projects. These projects look at community-identified solutions for the serious social and health problems affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. In particular, the themes addressed in the current evaluation round will be early childhood development and youth participation, with a focus on the role of schools in facilitating change.
The Telstra Foundation is committed to supporting innovative community development projects, including projects assisting Indigenous communities throughout Australia. Alongside the usual assessment criteria used in evaluating project applications, the Telstra Foundation Board has agreed that projects aimed at benefiting Indigenous children and young people must be made either by an Indigenous organisation or by a non-Indigenous organisation which is working in close partnership with an Indigenous organisation. Three-fifths of the Indigenous projects that the Foundation has funded come directly from Indigenous organisations. Also, projects in which key personnel are Indigenous and support the skills development and employment of young Indigenous people are more likely to be supported.
Since it was established in 2002, the Community Development Fund of the Telstra Foundation has provided support for 69 Indigenous projects, which will significantly benefit Indigenous children and young people.
From these projects that were funded over the past three and a half years, the Telstra Foundation identified approximately 22 projects across Australia from urban, rural and isolated Indigenous communities to be invited to participate in an evaluation of their project.
The Telstra Foundation has identified these projects as showcasing Indigenous initiatives likely to contribute to positive change for Indigenous groups, individuals and communities. The assistance from the Telstra Foundation will have a measurable influence in handing back the power of change to the Indigenous communities.
Five projects recommended for evaluation by the Telstra Foundation did not have staff available or elected not to participate in the evaluation. Another three projects were not able to be included because of time or logistical constraints on the evaluators in being able to meet with the key stakeholders within the evaluation timeframe. In total, 14 projects participated and are reflected in this report.
The 14 projects stretch from the west (Perth) to the east (Brisbane), from the north (Torres Straits and Cape York Peninsula) to the south (Launceston), with a number based in the heart of Australia's outback communities: Alice Springs. One key project was also national, covering all states and territories (Reconciliation Australia).
According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, there were 483,994 Indigenous people living in Australia at 30th June 2004. New South Wales had the largest Indigenous population with 141,533, followed by Queensland (134,013), Western Australia (69,665), and the Northern Territory (59,508). The Northern Territory had the highest proportion of Indigenous people among its population (29.8 per cent) and Victoria the lowest (0.65 per cent). The majority of Indigenous people live in cities and towns, but the Indigenous population is more widely dispersed across Australia than is the non-Indigenous population (ABS 2003).
The Indigenous population is considerably younger than the non-Indigenous population. In 2001, 40 per cent of Indigenous people were aged less than 15 years, compared with 21 per cent of non-Indigenous people. Only 2.6 per cent of the Indigenous population were aged 65 years or over compared with the 12 per cent of the non-Indigenous population. Indigenous youths are more likely to be imprisoned than the general population, and the rate of suicides in police custody remains high. Rates of unemployment, health problems and poverty are likewise higher than the general population, and school retention rates and university attendance is much lower than the general population (ABS 2003).
Many other factors affect Indigenous communities: Indigenous children are over-represented in the child protection system and in out-of-home care (they are 6.5 times more likely than non-Indigenous children to be in foster, kinship or residential out-of-home care). Indigenous children suffer from more preventable illnesses, malnutrition, communicable diseases, mental health and substance abuse, and have poorer access to medical and mental health services than non- Indigenous children. Indigenous adults die up to 20 years younger than non-Indigenous Australians. Many Indigenous communities live in substandard housing (overcrowding, inadequate water and washing facilities, poor sanitation, and limited food storage). Indigenous young people have lower levels of participation and completion in formal education, and consequently poorer educational outcomes (ABS 2003; AIHW 2001; National Children's and Youth Law Centre and Defence for Children International (Australia) 2005).
The current health status of Indigenous people can be viewed as a result of generations of isolation from the mainstream economy, extreme social disadvantage, poverty and powerlessness. There have been improvements on some issues, but no improvement - or even decline - on others. Indigenous health has improved with the establishment of Indigenous medical centres; however, it remains significantly inferior to that of the general population. Often the diseases that confront Indigenous communities are those that reflect poor living conditions: infant mortality, eye and ear infections, diseases related to alcohol and drug abuse, malnutrition, asthma and STD (SAM 1992). At present, there are 120,000 Indigenous people (about 26% of the total Indigenous population) living in 1200 discrete communities in remote regions. There are key differences between metropolitan and remote communities, such as isolation, land ownership, customary and kinship practices, and access to services. Indigenous people living in remote areas fare much worse than both their Indigenous and non-Indigenous city counterparts on key economic and health measures (Gray and Altman 2005).
As noted Indigenous academic and commentator, Dr Lowitja O'Donoghue, argued:
What is significant is that no matter which factors are examined - be it poverty, nutrition, access to services, smoking... the list goes on - you will find that Indigenous people are over represented at the wrong end of the spectrum (O'Donoghue 2000, p.723).
Marlene Burchill, the principal project officer, and one of the Indigenous researchers conducting the evaluation of Early Learnings from the Telstra Foundation-funded projects, writes:
Many Indigenous people today may say that our culture has been lost; others may argue this is not so. In reality for many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, 'culture' and the 'morés' bonding a culture takes second place. The rules that govern communities are almost lost when a large population of Indigenous people struggle with an increased alcohol and drug addiction, family violence and child abuse. Properly governed, according to tribal law, this would not have happened. Individuals guilty of breaking the rule would be severely punished.
In order to understand the current issues facing Indigenous communities, it is vital to understand the history of colonisation. The past resonates into the present: it impinges on the family, the children, and their ability to reach their full potential.
Marlene Burchill comments:
As an Indigenous person growing up, I was taught about family and relationships. Historically, Indigenous families were group or clans of people whose lives were organised according to the tribal affiliations. Traditionally groups were composed of Elders, mother, fathers, sisters, and brothers. Culture was steeped in mythology and dreamtime stories. Spirituality and cultural mores were controlled. A complex set of laws developed from within groups to govern every facet of life and relationships. Marriage between kin was taboo. Wives were found outside of the tribal groups for Indigenous men during their hunting and gathering expeditions. Traditionally sisters would leave their families and settle elsewhere when considered by Elders to be mature enough for marriage.
Healing the community needs to happen before we can move forward and pass on a positive cultural heritage. We need to get back to the basics: nurturing; self-discipline; modelling; the drive to keep going under great difficulty. Aboriginal families often are not able to provide that, because they haven't been taught it.
The consequences of separation from parents and community can be seen. Past policies of child removal have damaged culture, family ties, and modelling of parental and cultural roles. Poverty is also a crucial factor associated with family breakdown, child neglect and child removal. As Chairperson of the Secretariat of National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care, Muriel Bamblett (née Cadd) has noted: 'Impoverished communities raise impoverished children' (Cadd 2002, p.1).
Marlene Burchill writes:
As one of the Indigenous researchers involved in the evaluation of projects funded by the Telstra Foundation under their Indigenous Community Development area, I must emphasise that we cannot move forward without understanding the impact colonisation has had on all Indigenous people in Australia. Those involved in supporting Indigenous communities today need to begin with the impact of colonisation and its devastating consequences on all aspects of lives, culture, morés and spirituality of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Change will only occur when these needs are addressed within this context. Our original communities have been destroyed completely. We need assistance to develop communities that recognise heritage, but also, so that we can function positively and as equals in a modern contemporary Australia.
It is evident from recent studies by Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers that violence is out of control and has reached a crisis state, suggesting that the present generation enacts the traumatic feelings of past experiences. Atkinson (2002) is a strong proponent of the theory of intergenerational trauma. She argues that recent research provides some explanations of the process whereby oppression and abuse are internalised by those who are oppressed and abused; consequently, their own behaviour both reflects and in turn reinforces the victimisation if they in turn abuse others.
Marlene Burchill explains:
We must take into account decades of massive upheaval caused to Indigenous people; we continue to struggle today. Many of us lack trust, belief and faith in other people. Whatever confidence we may have in others is fragile and easily disturbed or destroyed. So how does community development progress when we have not recovered from the wounds of the past? Before we move forward to achieve positive change there is a need to help heal the individual, the family and the community to ease the pain and trauma resulting from colonial domination and power abuse.
Communities then need to take communal responsibility for ensuring the welfare of children. This does not just mean protecting them from harm. It goes further than this; it also means providing a positive sense of self, the world, and the future. It is important to not focus solely on individuals. Issues faced by Indigenous children and young people must be examined within the context of their family and community - communities that have also experienced disadvantage and victimisation (Cadd 2002).
Marlene Burchill explains:
The trauma inflicted by the upheavals of the postcolonial era has removed the close cultural kinship ties that existed previously within Indigenous communities across Australia. As a result, Indigenous communities today are made up of many different tribal groups sharing the same community. In many instances we require a 'start again' approach to firmly develop the bonds and trust for a stable foundation toward community development from an Indigenous perspective. The problems for Indigenous people have multiplied, particularly family violence and drug dependency. These are persistently increasing over many generations. Sue Gordon, an Indigenous Magistrate from Western Australia, maintains that 'we are witnessing a national disaster'. In the light of these complex issues, Indigenous people have not overcome the wounds of the past. The question needs to be tested: Will a community development model bring change into communities that are vulnerable and fractured, still nursing the wounds of the past?
Community development implies an awareness of exploitation and oppression. Community organising is based primarily on the conviction that people are capable of finding solutions to their problems. This in no way negates the often indispensable role of 'experts' but it means that experts can best contribute by supporting initiatives decided on collectively by people who have joined together to address their community's needs.
As explained by Marlene:
The concept of community development has been around for a long time. Community development can be all things to all people. Within an Indigenous context, community development has been going on a long time with marginal gains achieved for Indigenous people across Australia.
According to Indigenous academic, Jaunita Sherwood (1999), community development refers to 'working with communities to assist communities in finding plausible solutions to the problems they have identified' (p. 7). Indigenous people in Australia have participated in community development for thousands of years, yet they have been forced to adapt to a non-Indigenous community development model for several decades (Sherwood 1999). She emphasises the importance of community development processes being 'initiated by the community and not put upon the community' (p.8).
Again, Marlene Burchill provides her perspective:
Community development practitioners arriving in Indigenous communities today must come armed with the education, knowledge, patience, skills, cultural understanding, courage and respect. For change to take place within Indigenous communities, practitioners must not contribute to another generation of poverty, isolation and inequality. Well-meaning non- Indigenous people across Australia moved to support Indigenous communities thinking that they may create change or empower Indigenous people to take charge and control over their own lives and their communities.
Community development workers arrive in Indigenous communities with their aspirations, their tools, knowledge and expert advice; to build hope, to raise community consciousness and to the problems that have led to their exploitation, isolation, oppression and racial prejudice. For all of their good intentions and visionary exploits - little has changed. Well-meaning efforts that ultimately fail contribute to the suspicion and mistrust that does exist within Indigenous communities and individuals.
There are many obstacles to overcome in this regard and many initiatives have become bogged down and left in the 'too hard' basket. In the past, Indigenous communities settled for second best. This meant they got the leftovers (similar to mission rations of brown sugar and white flour). They did not get the best, most educated, knowledgeable professional assistance. Indigenous communities and organisations have been a 'honey pot' for organisations and individuals who can access the funding provided by government but rarely achieve positive and lasting outcomes. Indigenous organisations and communities are easy targets, given that Indigenous people often have little control over how funds are used. But change has occurred and cannot be discounted or ignored.
The aim of community development activities is to achieve better community outcomes for Indigenous communities. Many academics and practitioners have critically examined different approaches or strategies to develop appropriate practices to support Indigenous communities to create changes necessary within their own communities. Considerable energy and efforts have gone into research or reports to raise consciousness about the existing inequalities that continue to isolate Indigenous people from the mainstream economy.
Mainstream models of community development- as well as other more intensive therapeutic practices such as counselling and medical interventions to support Indigenous people-in many respects draw heavily on a western model of thinking rather than a combined effort to integrate western and Indigenous cultural practices. Patrick Dodson (2002) emphasises that for change to occur 'it's a two way street, so far it's only been one way' (p.22).
Sherwood (1999) calls for an Indigenous community development model that requires understanding, commitment, collaboration, partnership and respect. This requires 'working with communities to assist their members to find plausible solutions to the problems they have identified. This must be conducted in an environment that advocates full and active participation of all community members in order that we understand and acquire skills to develop culturally-appropriate programs/projects and services to our communities' (pp.7-8).
Sherwood argued that:
Working with communities to assist their members to find plausible solutions to the problems they have identified ... must be conducted in an environment that advocates full and active participation of all community members in order that we understand and acquire skills to develop culturally-appropriate programs/projects and services to our communities.' (Sherwood 1999)
Marlene Burchill offers some words of advice for non-Indigenous people planning to work in Indigenous communities:
A positive Indigenous community development model must incorporate 'yarning up not down' (Burchill 2004). Yarning up relates to 'yarning for outcomes' rather than speaking down to Indigenous people. Yarning down is an indication that the outsider knows best or takes control of the outcomes for Indigenous people. Well-meaning people come to work with us but they do the work for us and we haven't learnt how to do it. Another experience that stifles progressive community development outcomes is when funding organisations expect us to do things their way, but sometimes this means we lose control of the work. Many non- Indigenous people come and go. They take our stories, end a project, and then we are left to deal with what is left. This can be hard work for us especially when they have written and developed a new program in their 'flash language'.
The projects that are described in this publication have been initiated by Indigenous people for Indigenous people and provide a template for progress and development for Indigenous communities. Evaluation of the projects, as written up in this publication, was driven by collaboration between Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers.
Again, Marlene comments:
The Telstra Foundations is to be commended on the way that they have proceeded with the Indigenous Community Development initiative. The Telstra Foundation has the confidence to involve Indigenous researchers in evaluating projects where Indigenous communities are exploring their own solutions. This is the way to create change.
A key to community development and community generated change is leadership. Leadership is about giving guidance and direction, but also setting examples. It means gaining the confidence and trust of others regarding your style, the decisions that you make, and your ability to take people with you on your journey.
Marlene Burchill suggests:
In this context, drawing on Indigenous writers is important because our views provide an 'inside' examination of the complex issues confronting Indigenous people across Australia today. This approach by no means disregards non-Indigenous contributions but accepts that the Indigenous voice has much to offer, for we share the same 'reality'. So what does 'leadership' mean in an Indigenous context? The expectations are the same as for any other community or society: leadership is needed to progress toward equality and full participation in society.
Indigenous people need a bigger say and greater control over their affairs, including Indigenous leadership at all stages from the grassroots level up to policy development and implementation. To move forward, non-Indigenous people need to come to terms with this position and must allow Indigenous people to proceed - allowing for their sense of shared value, time and place (Anderson 2002; Chapman 2002). Leadership will only occur when Indigenous people take control of their own people (Perkins 1990).
However, different perspectives are evident. Pearson (2001) argued that leadership can happen when shackles of welfare dependency have been removed. Dodson (2002) advocated for leadership in terms of community capacity building. This according to Dodson requires solid partnerships to create change. Change involves capacity building, empowering individuals to maximise their potential, creating sustainable employment and creating lasting partnership between communities, government and the corporate sector. Dodson argued: 'No one individual will have everything needed to undertake community capacity building, but groups of individuals do' (p.23). The projects that are evaluated in this research report represent partnerships between local Indigenous communities, governments, businesses and philanthropy, as recommended by Dodson (2002).
One of the criteria for funding from the Telstra Foundation's Indigenous Community Development area was that projects are based on sound research and have a strong likelihood of meeting their objectives. Therefore, the role of the evaluators was to assist these projects in reflecting on - and being able to demonstrate - how they have met these objectives, the processes they implemented, and the factors affecting outcomes, such as risks and benefits, barriers and enabling factors, expectations and achievements, strengths and challenges.
In order to ensure a broad impact, the evaluation strategy also focused on working with projects to help them document their capacity for modelling a new approach for wider application, including (where appropriate or relevant):
Original applications for funding and other information, photographs, materials and reports prepared about the project were gathered to provide the context of the project or cluster of projects. Appropriate baseline data, including quantitative indicators, were requested from projects, where available. In particular, where projects have collected qualitative data on the views of their participants or consumers-particularly the views of children and young people-these data are reflected in the evaluation. One or more researchers from the evaluation team visited each of the selected projects. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a range of people directly involved with each of the 14 projects who were selected in consultation with the project leader. These included:
In order to protect the privacy of individuals, personal names have often not been used when including direct quotes from informants in the narrative accounts that have been constructed.
Consistent with principles of participatory evaluation, each project was asked to check they agreed with the final narrative about their project, the themes that emerged, and conclusions and implications that are drawn. Discussion and input from the projects informed this final report.